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GADDI RAJPUT: The Gaddi is a generic term used for all of the indigenous population of the Bharmaur area of Chamba district. The Gaddis include the savarnas- like Brahman, Rajput, Khatri, Thakur Rathi and the non –savarnas like Hali, Sippi, Rihare and Dom (Rose 1919). Although all are categories as scheduled tribe by virtue of their living in a scheduled area, the non- savarnas are also included separately as scheduled as scheduled caste. Though all call themselves Gaddi, yet only the savarna Gaddi Rajput and their allies, who are identical and do not have much differentiation among themselves, are discussed here. All the scheduled caste has been described separately. This is also in consonance with the custom prevalent among the savarna of calling themselves as Gaddi, whereas calling others by their respective caste names.
The word Gaddi means ‘seat’ and since Bharmaur was the seat of the Raja of Chamba, all the people of the Gaderan called themselves Gaddi. History confirms that Gaddi Rajputs migrated from Lahore (now in Pakistan) to this place in order to avoid religious persecution, a saying, “Ujjra Lahore te basiya Bharmaur” prevalent in the community further confirms this. Khatris are also believed to have migrated from plains and have come to acquire status parallel to that of the Rajputs. Presently, the bulk of the population lives in Bharmaur tehsil of Chamba district, but a scattered population of this tribe is also found in the adjoining districts of Kangra and Mandi. The total population of the Gaddis in 1981 is 76860, which also includes a small population of Gaddis Brahmans. The community occupies the inaccessible, inhospitable terrain in between the Pir-Panjal and Dhauladhar range, between Ravi and Chenab. It is a high altitude area and remains cut off most of the time because of heavy snowfall. The area has thick and dense forest with low rainfall and low humidity.
The language spoken within the community is Bharmaruri Gaddi. Tankri was the script used by the old people. With others, however colloquial Hindi is spoken whereas Devanagari is used as a script. The Gaddi man is identified by typical dress which consists of a chola and dora whereas the woman by luanchiri (a flared Scottish skirt). The women also adorn gold earrings, which are worn by men too. Men also wear white turban, which is a characteristic of the Gaddi dress.
The community is non-vegetarian but they mostly take the meat of sheep, chicken and ghural. Families, who keep poultry, also take eggs. Their staple food consists of makki-ki-roti and occasionally wheat chapatti with mah and rongi. Children take goat milk, whereas elders use milk in tea. Occasionally lassi is also taken. They also make moderate use of vegetables, including roots and tubers, and fruits. Mustard oil is the usual cooking medium. People are very fond of sur which is taken daily. Women consume it only on festive and social occasions. They also smoke tobacco in hukka, which forms a part of their daily sittings. Their special madira along with a sweet preparation is a must on all social and festive occasions.Bio- anthropological information is available (see bio- anthropological report).
The Gaddi Rajputs are divided into Thakur and Rathi or Khatri. The Rathi and Khatris are few in number and are regarded on the same level as that of Rajputs. The Rathis are lower than the Rajputs, but since they are numerically small, they form a part of the Rajput community. Each group is largely an endogamous. Each section is further subdivided into a number of exogamous gotras which are of two types the anderla (or the rishi gotra) and baherla (or the territorial gotra) denoting the place of origin Gotra. They continue to write ‘Singh’ as their surname; which indicates their Rajput origin. The communities perceive its superiority and are regarded as high in social hierarchy and the fact is acknowledged by all neighboring communities. They are also aware of the varna order and the Rajput, Rathi and Khatri communities align themselves with the Kshatriyas.
There is no restriction on anyone marrying within the village provided gotra exogamy is maintained and that there is no common relative from the Father’s or Mother’s side up to three generations in the family one is marrying into. Restrictions exist in marrying into the families in which a sister or a daughter has been married with the exception in cases of economically poor families, where marriage by exchange is practiced. Hyper gamy and consanguineous marriages are not permitted, where, levirate and sororate permitted. Traditionally child marriage followed by gaona was practiced, but now adults’ marriages are practiced at the age of 16 to 25 for girls and boys respectively. Among the various modes of acquiring mates, byah is the most common the other forms being batta-satta, ghar-javantri, bariana and jhind-phunk. Monogamy is the general rule, with polygene is resorted to in exceptional cases, where the first lare is unable to give the family an heir. The usual symbol for a married woman is a nose ring and a choora, but this is not being strictly adhered to these days. Reet or lag was prevalent, which traditionally consisted of giving of at least 60 silver coins, but today it has been replaced by voluntary dowry given in kind, and depends on the economic status of the person. Residence is usually patrilocal, but there is a tendency nowadays to separate soon after marriage due to various reasons.
Divorce is permitted and can be initiated by the aggrieved party on grounds of infidelity and incompatibility of mature, with sociojudicial approval. A divorcee is compensated by way of returning the marriage expenses. Children are normally the liability of the father in divorce cases, but in the event a divorcee woman wants to take them she can do so if the divorcee husband also desires the same. Khewat (divorcee remarriage) can however take place. Widow marriage is also permitted with either the husband’s elder or younger brother and so is widower remarriage.
The family is of joint type, with father, mother unmarried and married sons and daughter and their children living in the same house. The interpersonal relations in the family are that of love, cordiality and mutual respect. The head of the family is the eldest male member and commands great respect. His decision on all family matters is final, which is usually arrived at after taking all factors into account. Conflict and confrontation never comes up but if ever occurs, it is due to the checking of freedom of youngsters and on property matters. Avoidance is observed between a woman and her husband’s elder male relatives for about a year after marriage, after which it is not strictly observed. Joining relationship exists between a man, his wife and their younger male and female relatives.
The inheritance of property is in the male line according to the locally recognized mode of inheritance known as chundaband and mundaband. According to the former, the property at the first instance is divided into the number of wives and subsequently each share is further sub- divided according to the number of sons. According to the letter, all sons, legal or illegal, inherit the father’s property equally. Children on being taken by the divorced mother lose right to their biological father’s property; but can inherit on returning to their father or can share the father’s property in the event of their mother getting remarried.
Women have no right to inheritance as per the traditional laws. Her social position is regarded as equal to that of the husband. She works equally with her husband in agricultural work expect for pouching. She is also responsible for the collection of fuel and fodder, both for immediate use and for storing them for use in winter months. She traditionally did not work outside the four walls of the house but recently the educated girls have taken up jobs in various occupations and are working outside the house and adding to their family income. They also take part in all social, religious and ritual activities. Though girls’ participation was limited traditionally to the casting to votes in elections, today they have started becoming more active and some have been nominated and members at the Block level. In addition to all her work outside the house, she also attends to all the household chores, which include cooking food and looking after the children. In spite of the tremendous role of women as an indispensable part of the Gaddi economy, they do not have any decision making powers in family matters, though they do manage the family expenditure.
Restrictions on the movement on the enceinte women exist. The Kailubir is propitiated for the safe delivery of the child. Sutak is observed for a period of 11 days till which time all auspicious ceremonies are deferred. The mother is also not allowed to do any household work until shuddhi takes place. Six months after the birth of a child Kirpu or sugru is celebrated, which a ceremony is observed jointly for naming and cereal- taking. This is followed by jattu ceremony, which is celebrated on the third, fifth or the seventh year. Marriage rituals are performed at the bride’s residence, including kanyadaan or sanklap and pradikshna or char lavi (walking round the fire four times), with the bridal knot having been tied to the bride and the groom. A feast is also arranged by the bride’s parents. The nuptial ceremony is performed at the groom’s residence. The dead are cremated, with the last rites being performed by the eldest male member. The mortal remains are then collected and either taken to Haridwar or thrown into any river. The house is considered and polluted for a period of 13 days; the rituals connected with the dead are observed at chha-mah (six month), barhi (twelve months) and chobarhi (four years) after the death. Ancestors are worshipped annually during the days of shradh.
The majority of the Gaddi Rajputs are landowners and practice agriculture as their primary means of livelihood. They are also pastorals and own large flocks of sheep and goats, as a subsidiary occupation. This has also resulted in their bartandari (customary) rights on forest land which are Government owned. Today, many of them have also taken up jobs as teachers, in government and private organizations and other white collar jobs. Some are also working as unskilled laborers in public works Department and forest departments to augment their income.
The community has a total dependence on local market, where at times the people barter their meager surplus cereal produce with the shopkeeper, who acts as middlemen between the people and the market. Horticulture produce is sold to bigger markets through local collecting agents. Barter is rarely resorted to and cash forms the usual medium of exchange. Though or a bonded laborer. The children below 15 years, both boys and girls, assist their parents in and outside the household activities and also tend the cattle. While working as causal labors in road maintenance they also receive wages in cash.
For solving family disputes, caste of theft and for maintenance of traditional norms the people of the community have their traditional bhaichara Panchayat, which is headed by a set of people who act as the jury and who are elected by general consensus. The guilty are punished by social boycott, or fine in cash or kind, depending on the gravity of the crime. Though the Gram Panchayat has come up after independence for exercising social control, planning and implementing welfare and development activities, yet people have greater faith in their traditional panchayats.
The community professes Hinduism, with emphasis on the worship of Lord Shiva and faith in Shakti cults.
This land is called Shiv Bhumi. They also have faith in Kailu Bir, Nag Deota, Khetra pal and Bambir,
Each being a presiding power over natural resources. Ancestor are worshipped and propitiated as family
Deities for the welfare of the family. Sacred specialists are invited for performing family rituals. The major
Fair of the region are the Sui Mela, Bharmaur Jatra, Minjar fair and Manimahesh fair. The festivals are,
Dholru, Lohri, Holi, Janmasthami, Baisakhi/Basoa, Diwali and Shivratri.
The people are experts in weaving pattu and gardu. They also sing folk songs and dance to amuse
themselves. Traditionally the women danced inside their houses but today they take part in dance at public
places. A few of them have taken part in National Day celebrations. The folksongs are common to the
Region. Folklores and folktales about the heroic deeds of their ancestors and about the beauty of the
Womenfolk are also prevalent.
Traditionally they do not accept food from Hali and Sippi. Mitr-bhai (putative) kinship is established with
persons who are not related but belong to an equal ranking community. Such a person is obliged to take
part in family rites and rituals and is expected to behave as a real kin. They have separate cremation
grounds. Kameen-bartani(patron-client) relationship exists with various serving communities like Hali,
Sippi, Rihara and Lohar, who in lieu of their specialized services, are paid in kind at annual harvest.
Education and employment have brought them in contact with the wider world. Liberalization of the caste
Considerations have been observed in families which have got education and moved to urban centers. The Gaddi Rajputs have started talking part in political activities at the regional level.
Their attitude towards the various developmental programmes excepting the family welfare programmes is favourable. They are sending their children to schools. The boys receive education up to high school and beyond, the girls rarely continue beyond the primary level for social reason. They respond to modern medicine at the primary health centers in combination with their indigenous medicine. Facilities like job reservations, Integrated Rural Development Programme loans and Rural Employment Schemes have helped in ameliorating their poverty. Drinking water is available to everyone through natural streams, whereas electricity is available only to a few. The remoteness of the area is a stumbling block in the development of the area.